• On present projections Kazakhstan is set to be one of the top ten oil producers in the next 15 years; current exploration programmes could reveal substantial additional reserves such as those recently found at Aktobe;
• Kazakhstan a has substantial gas reserves and is set to become the world’s biggest uranium producer;
• Since Independence in 1991 Britain has been the biggest European aggregate investor in Kazakhstan, which has one of the fastest growing economies in the world; in all more than 200 companies now do business there;
• The development of Almaty as a free financial zone means that there are significant opportunities for the City of London;
• Kazakhstan has clearly indicated its desire for closer Kazakhstan-United Kingdom ties in a number of ways; in seeking to increase its influence in Astana Britain would be pushing at an open door;
• Kazakhstan’s readiness to commit forces to Iraq, where they are engaged in mine-clearing activities and its support for the reconstruction operation in Afghanistan, demonstrate its reliability as an ally in the fight against terrorism;
• Kazakhstan’s continued success in making the transition from a totalitarian to democratic rule, and from a command economy to a market economy, is crucial to the stability of a region on which the West is increasingly dependent for its energy supplies; Britain is in a position to play the role of critical but understanding uncle – to the advantage of both parties.

Relations between Britain and Kazakhstan remain cordial: there are no major areas of disagreement and there are many points of common interest. But it is evident that Britain has lagged behind America in recognizing Kazakhstan’s growing importance. This stems from both from the country’s role as a major supplier of energy and its dominant role in shaping the political future of the region.

Britain has too few friends in the Muslim world to neglect the advantages to be achieved through more extensive relations with a country that possesses a predominantly Muslim population but which shows no trace of religious fanaticism and which evinces a strong desire for closer relations with Britain. As the record shows, Kazakhstan is keen to extend cooperation with British government, British firms, British universities and British NGOs. The present level of British investment and trade in Kazakhstan and the potential of the City of London to cooperate actively in the development of Astana as the commercial hub of Central Asia, themselves constitute sufficient reason for the British Government to seek closer relations with Astana in its own interests.

There is consequently a case for a series of high-level ministerial visits to Kazakhstan in the near future and for a reorganization of departmental responsibilities to reflect Kazakhstan’s growing importance. While the US, Russia and China all vie for active influence in Astana in what some have described as a revival of the Great Game, Britain’s current attitude appears relatively passive and detached.